Tuesday, January 29, 2019
Monday, January 28, 2019
Bank-free payments
Sunday, January 20, 2019
In a nation that celebrates greed ...
According to the Federal Reserve, 40 percent of U.S. adults don’t have enough cash to meet a $400 emergency expense; a much larger number of Americans would be severely strained by the kinds of costs that routinely arise when, say, illness strikes, even for those who have health insurance.
So if you have an income high enough that you can easily afford health care and good housing, have plenty of liquid assets and find it hard to imagine ever needing food stamps, you’re part of a privileged minority.
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/18/opinion/bernie-sanders-tax.html .
So if you have an income high enough that you can easily afford health care and good housing, have plenty of liquid assets and find it hard to imagine ever needing food stamps, you’re part of a privileged minority.
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/18/opinion/bernie-sanders-tax.html .
Sunday, December 23, 2018
Eu 2019: Swing left, swing wrong
| Left and Liberal = 362 (slight increase 358⇒362) Unknowns = 38 (increase 21⇒38) Centre-wrong = 180 (decrease 217⇒180) Wrong = 59 (decrease 76⇒59) Far-wrong = 112 (increase 78⇒112)  |
| Geographic distribution of wrong versus liberal in 2019 |
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-48417191 .
Sure, the Populists Gained, but the Real Winners May Be for Europe
The results this week of the European Parliament elections were a humiliating blow at home to President Emmanuel Macron of France, as his party finished second to the far-right nationalist Marine Le Pen.
But in the Parliament itself, his party could be the kingmaker because there will be no working majority without it.
That gives Mr. Macron, who has been the biggest booster among European leaders of deeper integration between European Union members, an opportunity to push through change — and to counter the populist and nationalist right.
Mr. Macron’s party — which did not even exist in the last European elections in 2014 — together with a group of liberal parties can create a sustainable working majority of pro-European parties.
These parties, and in particular the Green Party, which did especially well with young voters worried about climate change, have made clear they intend to use their new position to effect change in both who runs the European Union and its policies.
The new majority will also be able to stand up to, and potentially block, the more emboldened populist and nationalist right, which increased its share as a group by five percentage points and now holds about 25 percent of seats.
Altogether, the pro-European parties, along with the Greens, will control 502 of the 751 seats, limiting the power of the populists to gum up the system, and providing leverage for Mr. Macron and his allies in their desire to shake Europe to embrace a different future.
Saturday, December 22, 2018
DiEM 25 - MeRA 25
With results from the May 26 elections for European Parliament showing his new Diem MeRA25 party would win one seat in the 751-member body, former Greek finance chief Yanis Varoufakis said it was “a small political revolution.”
Can Yanis Varoufakis save Europe? > .
? https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=diem25 ?
In March 2018, Varoufakis announced the launch of his own political party, MeRA 25, with a stated aim of freeing Greece from "debt bondage". He stated that he hoped the party would be based on an alliance of "people of the left and liberalism, greens and feminists". The party, whose name stands for "European Realistic Disobedience Front", is affiliated to DiEM25.
On 25 November 2018, Varoufakis was selected to head the list of Democracy in Motion (the German section of DiEM25) for the 2019 European elections.
On 13 September, Varoufakis penned an op-ed piece in The Guardian about the need for an international progressive movement, alongside a similar piece by fellow progressive U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders. On 26 October in Rome, Varoufakis announced the Progressive International, which was described as a "common blueprint for an International New Deal, a progressive New Bretton Woods". The organization officially launched on 30 November in Sanders' home town of Burlington, Vermont.
? https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=diem25 ?
In March 2018, Varoufakis announced the launch of his own political party, MeRA 25, with a stated aim of freeing Greece from "debt bondage". He stated that he hoped the party would be based on an alliance of "people of the left and liberalism, greens and feminists". The party, whose name stands for "European Realistic Disobedience Front", is affiliated to DiEM25.
On 25 November 2018, Varoufakis was selected to head the list of Democracy in Motion (the German section of DiEM25) for the 2019 European elections.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yanis_Varoufakis .
Our new international movement will fight rising fascism and globalists .
Our task is not unprecedented. Fascists did not come to power in the mid-war period by promising violence, war or concentration camps. They came to power by addressing good people who, following a severe capitalist crisis, had been treated for too long like livestock that had lost its market value. Instead of treating them like “deplorables”, fascists looked at them in the eye and promised to restore their pride, offered their friendship, gave them a sense that they belonged to a larger ideal, allowed them to think of themselves as something more than sovereign consumers.
That injection of self-esteem was accompanied by warnings against the lurking “alien” who threatened their revived hope. The politics of “us versus them” took over, bleached of social class characteristics and defined solely in terms of identities. The fear of losing status turned into tolerance of human rights abuses first against the suspect “others” and then against any and all dissent. Soon, as the establishment’s control over politics waned under the weight of the economic crisis it had caused, the progressives ended up marginalised or in prison. By then it was all over.
Is this not how Donald Trump first conquered the White House and is now winning the discursive war against a Democratic party establishment? Is this not reminiscent of the Conservative Brexiteers’ sudden appreciation of a National Health Service they had starved of funds for decades, or the energetic embracing of democracy that Thatcherism had subordinated to the logic of market forces? Are these not the ways of the hard right governments in Austria, Hungary and Poland, of Greece’s Golden Dawn Nazis and, most poignantly, of Matteo Salvini, the strongman steering the new Italian government? Everywhere we look today we see manifestations of the resurgence of an ambitious Nationalist International, the likes of which we have not seen since the 1930s. As for the establishment, they are behaving as if with a penchant to repeat the Weimar Republic’s every mistake.
But enough of the diagnosis. The pertinent question now is: what must we do? A tactical alliance with the globalist establishment is out of the question. Tony Blair, Hilary Clinton, the social democratic establishment in continental Europe are too compromised by their monetary links to a degenerating financialised capitalism and its accompanying ideology. For decades they relied on free market populism: the false promise that everyone can become better off as long as we submit to commodification. They’d like us to believe in a never-ending escalator that will take us to the heights of consumer satisfaction, but it doesn’t exist.
That injection of self-esteem was accompanied by warnings against the lurking “alien” who threatened their revived hope. The politics of “us versus them” took over, bleached of social class characteristics and defined solely in terms of identities. The fear of losing status turned into tolerance of human rights abuses first against the suspect “others” and then against any and all dissent. Soon, as the establishment’s control over politics waned under the weight of the economic crisis it had caused, the progressives ended up marginalised or in prison. By then it was all over.
Is this not how Donald Trump first conquered the White House and is now winning the discursive war against a Democratic party establishment? Is this not reminiscent of the Conservative Brexiteers’ sudden appreciation of a National Health Service they had starved of funds for decades, or the energetic embracing of democracy that Thatcherism had subordinated to the logic of market forces? Are these not the ways of the hard right governments in Austria, Hungary and Poland, of Greece’s Golden Dawn Nazis and, most poignantly, of Matteo Salvini, the strongman steering the new Italian government? Everywhere we look today we see manifestations of the resurgence of an ambitious Nationalist International, the likes of which we have not seen since the 1930s. As for the establishment, they are behaving as if with a penchant to repeat the Weimar Republic’s every mistake.
But enough of the diagnosis. The pertinent question now is: what must we do? A tactical alliance with the globalist establishment is out of the question. Tony Blair, Hilary Clinton, the social democratic establishment in continental Europe are too compromised by their monetary links to a degenerating financialised capitalism and its accompanying ideology. For decades they relied on free market populism: the false promise that everyone can become better off as long as we submit to commodification. They’d like us to believe in a never-ending escalator that will take us to the heights of consumer satisfaction, but it doesn’t exist.
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/ng-interactive/2018/sep/13/our-new-international-movement-will-fight-rising-fascism-and-globalists .
The anti-austerity maverick will head the list of Demokratie In Europa, a German political party that is part of the pan-European, cross-border movement DiEM25 set up by Varoufakis in 2016. It will seek to gain seats for the first time in the European Parliament.
Although he is not a German citizen, Varoufakis and his movement said he meets the conditions to stand as a candidate in Germany as he is an EU citizen who has a residential address in the country.
The 57-year-old economics professor said in a statement on Sunday that his party will offer a "Green New Deal for Europe: a realistic, credible, rational and immediately implementable policy agenda for the whole of Europe".
According to the party's campaign programme, it will push to "ban tax havens within the EU" and put those outside the bloc on a black list.
It will also seek a "new EU budget" to fund projects like building up green infrastructure, fighting poverty and integrating immigrants.
The budget would be partly financed by taxes on carbon and financial transactions, said the programme.
Varoufakis bitterly opposed Chancellor Angela Merkel's austerity-for-aid insistence in the Greek debt crisis, but has praised her for keeping Germany's doors open to asylum seekers.
The anti-austerity maverick will head the list of Demokratie In Europa, a German political party that is part of the pan-European, cross-border movement DiEM25 set up by Varoufakis in 2016. It will seek to gain seats for the first time in the European Parliament.
Although he is not a German citizen, Varoufakis and his movement said he meets the conditions to stand as a candidate in Germany as he is an EU citizen who has a residential address in the country.
The 57-year-old economics professor said in a statement on Sunday that his party will offer a "Green New Deal for Europe: a realistic, credible, rational and immediately implementable policy agenda for the whole of Europe".
According to the party's campaign programme, it will push to "ban tax havens within the EU" and put those outside the bloc on a black list.
It will also seek a "new EU budget" to fund projects like building up green infrastructure, fighting poverty and integrating immigrants.
The budget would be partly financed by taxes on carbon and financial transactions, said the programme.
Varoufakis bitterly opposed Chancellor Angela Merkel's austerity-for-aid insistence in the Greek debt crisis, but has praised her for keeping Germany's doors open to asylum seekers.
Thursday, November 15, 2018
Pregnancy Kills. Abortion Saves Lives
Abortion Myths Shattered by a Real Gynecologist | NowThis > .
Every pregnancy poses a “serious health risk” to the mother.
Every pregnancy poses a “serious health risk” to the mother.
They die from hemorrhage, infection, pre-eclampsia (which can lead to fatal seizures), obstructed labor, amniotic fluid embolism, thromboembolism, a ruptured uterus, retained placenta, hydatidiform mole, choriocarcinoma and many other causes that fill the obstetrics textbooks. Modern medicine can prevent and treat many, but not all, of these conditions. Some potentially fatal problems cannot be foreseen or prevented. Pregnancy always comes with some irreducible risk of death.
There are factors that put some women at higher-than-average risk of death from pregnancy: age (to be an early adolescent is more dangerous), high blood pressure, many previous pregnancies, diabetes, obesity, a history of cesarean delivery, uterine abnormalities, a scarred cervix, a placenta previa (in which the placenta covers the cervix). A placenta previa can result in sudden, catastrophic hemorrhage that is fatal, and it can require a cesarean delivery — which carries its own risks — since a normal vaginal delivery is impossible.
The measure of risk to a woman’s life from pregnancy itself is called the “maternal mortality ratio.” That is the number of women who die of causes related to or aggravated by pregnancy per 100,000 live births.
In Alabama, the overall maternal mortality ratio in 2018 was 11.9 per 100,000. Among white women, the 2018 maternal mortality ratio was 5.6; among black women, it was 27.6, making black women in Alabama almost five times more likely to die as a result of pregnancy than white women. For the United States overall, the maternal mortality ratio was 20.7 [per 100,000 live births].
By comparison, a study in the journal Obstetrics & Gynecology on abortion mortality from 1998 to 2010 found that for the 16.1 million [legal] abortions performed during that time, the overall death rate was 0.7 per 100,000 procedures. The death rate for early-abortion procedures — those that took place within the first eight weeks of the pregnancy — was less: 0.3 per 100,000.
Tuesday, October 30, 2018
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)